New Germany evolving
Source: By S. Nihal Singh: The Tribune
Germany is undergoing an exciting phase of regeneration, if not renaissance, as it finally moves out of the shadows of the last World War. It has decided, as if by an unspoken consensus, that as the most powerful and prosperous nation of West Europe, it s time to stand up and be counted.
Nobody denies the horrors of German actions in World War II, but the nation's past and its self-flagellation built up an industry encouraged by Britain and, up to an extent, France to keep post-war Germany down in order to wear the mantle of political leaders in the western world. And while advancing on the industrial and technological fronts, German leaders wore the sackcloth and ashes in atonement of their past.
Two events, among a host of circumstances, have helped to move Germany away from its long phase of self-abnegation. The American spying extravaganza, revealed by the American contractor Edward Snowden, including Chancellor Angela Merkel's personal mobile phone, has hit the German psyche hard because of national sensitivities dating to Hitler's censorship regime and East Germany's elaborate secret snooping of citizens. Ms Merkel did not beat about the bush in expressing her great displeasure. Nor was she amused by the senior US official Victoria Nuland rubbishing the European Union's role in Ukraine, as her spokesman made it known.
Second, Germany's leaders have been airing the view, in particular President Joachim Gauck who visited India recently, that their country cannot afford to sit on the sidelines on major events, given its economic and military power. The German Foreign Minister, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, has been broadcasting this message loud and clear, supported by the bulk of the political class. In other words, there is a growing feeling among the elite and the general public that their country can no longer adopt a posture of minimalism in using its military in pursuit of common objectives.
President Barrack Obama and Chancellor Merkel are not the best of friends, but relations between the two countries go beyond their lack of personal chemistry. It is a process of Germany coming of age in a world in which it is the most consequential of West European countries, its leaders and people having come to the conclusion that every country has a black phase in its history and there must come a point when successive generations refuse to suffer because of what preceding generations had done. Indeed, Germany is unique in willingly hosting an elaborate reminder of its dark past in the heart of its capital Berlin.
What then are the consequences of this evolving new German policy? For one thing, Berlin will be more outspoken, if not assertive, in speaking its mind on international affairs of the day. One instance of this was the mingling of the previous foreign minister among the protesters against President Viktor Yanuykovic on Ukraine's central square, wrong-headed as it might have been. Besides, Berlin will be more forthcoming in committing its troops to joint foreign interventions.
The future will also re-jig relations between among the major European powers and between them and the United States. Indeed, it was interesting that President Obama was hosting France's President Francois Hollande on a state visit, the first such honour for France since 1996, to signify a temporary meeting of minds in the assertive policy of military interventions in Africa and in taking a hard line on holding Iran to a strict regime in its nuclear policy. But France and Germany as the two consequential continental powers must come together in swinging major decisions their way. It is no secret that Germany's evolution has forced Paris to adjust its previous policy of taking the political lead for Europe.
Understandably, President Obama's so-called pivot to Asia is not popular with Europeans although apart from paying belated attention to the Asian region, Secretary of State John Kerry has been spending much of his time and energies in the Middle East. And it remains to be seen how the ambitious free trade agreement between the two sides of the Atlantic will shape up. European and American economies are, in any event, greatly intertwined.
Diminished as its role and abilities in the world are, the United States remains the most powerful nation. Having involved itself in two unpopular wars, Americans' appetite for military interventions in the Middle East is limited, as exemplified by President Obama's reluctance to initiate military strikes on Syria, despite provocations. In fact, Washington has had to reconfigure its relations in the region, with Saudi Arabia among other Gulf monarchies less than happy over its coyness in employing force as also over its overtures to Iran on its nuclear programme.
Germany sees itself as something of a privileged interlocutor with Russia, given its history and location. For instance, Berlin has not followed the new Western trend orchestrated by Washington on demonising President Vladimir Putin's role and policies and is seeking to begin a reasoned conversation with Moscow on Ukriane, given Russia's historical closeness to its former region and the great landmass it occupies in proximity. Ms Merkel herself, raised in the old East Germany, is familiar with Russian language and idioms.
In a sense, Berlin is serving notice that it is not merely a great economic power house but is shedding its inhibitions of a past employed by its partners to stymie its world role. That by itself presages a new set of power equations in Europe and the world. Washington's celebration of its new amity with France after traditional prickliness of relationship is not enough. Rather, the US needs to repair its relations with Germany to take account of a new outgoing Berlin willing to speak its mind and act according to its national interests without apology.
Germany is undergoing an exciting phase of regeneration, if not renaissance, as it finally moves out of the shadows of the last World War. It has decided, as if by an unspoken consensus, that as the most powerful and prosperous nation of West Europe, it s time to stand up and be counted.
Nobody denies the horrors of German actions in World War II, but the nation's past and its self-flagellation built up an industry encouraged by Britain and, up to an extent, France to keep post-war Germany down in order to wear the mantle of political leaders in the western world. And while advancing on the industrial and technological fronts, German leaders wore the sackcloth and ashes in atonement of their past.
Two events, among a host of circumstances, have helped to move Germany away from its long phase of self-abnegation. The American spying extravaganza, revealed by the American contractor Edward Snowden, including Chancellor Angela Merkel's personal mobile phone, has hit the German psyche hard because of national sensitivities dating to Hitler's censorship regime and East Germany's elaborate secret snooping of citizens. Ms Merkel did not beat about the bush in expressing her great displeasure. Nor was she amused by the senior US official Victoria Nuland rubbishing the European Union's role in Ukraine, as her spokesman made it known.
Second, Germany's leaders have been airing the view, in particular President Joachim Gauck who visited India recently, that their country cannot afford to sit on the sidelines on major events, given its economic and military power. The German Foreign Minister, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, has been broadcasting this message loud and clear, supported by the bulk of the political class. In other words, there is a growing feeling among the elite and the general public that their country can no longer adopt a posture of minimalism in using its military in pursuit of common objectives.
President Barrack Obama and Chancellor Merkel are not the best of friends, but relations between the two countries go beyond their lack of personal chemistry. It is a process of Germany coming of age in a world in which it is the most consequential of West European countries, its leaders and people having come to the conclusion that every country has a black phase in its history and there must come a point when successive generations refuse to suffer because of what preceding generations had done. Indeed, Germany is unique in willingly hosting an elaborate reminder of its dark past in the heart of its capital Berlin.
What then are the consequences of this evolving new German policy? For one thing, Berlin will be more outspoken, if not assertive, in speaking its mind on international affairs of the day. One instance of this was the mingling of the previous foreign minister among the protesters against President Viktor Yanuykovic on Ukraine's central square, wrong-headed as it might have been. Besides, Berlin will be more forthcoming in committing its troops to joint foreign interventions.
The future will also re-jig relations between among the major European powers and between them and the United States. Indeed, it was interesting that President Obama was hosting France's President Francois Hollande on a state visit, the first such honour for France since 1996, to signify a temporary meeting of minds in the assertive policy of military interventions in Africa and in taking a hard line on holding Iran to a strict regime in its nuclear policy. But France and Germany as the two consequential continental powers must come together in swinging major decisions their way. It is no secret that Germany's evolution has forced Paris to adjust its previous policy of taking the political lead for Europe.
Understandably, President Obama's so-called pivot to Asia is not popular with Europeans although apart from paying belated attention to the Asian region, Secretary of State John Kerry has been spending much of his time and energies in the Middle East. And it remains to be seen how the ambitious free trade agreement between the two sides of the Atlantic will shape up. European and American economies are, in any event, greatly intertwined.
Diminished as its role and abilities in the world are, the United States remains the most powerful nation. Having involved itself in two unpopular wars, Americans' appetite for military interventions in the Middle East is limited, as exemplified by President Obama's reluctance to initiate military strikes on Syria, despite provocations. In fact, Washington has had to reconfigure its relations in the region, with Saudi Arabia among other Gulf monarchies less than happy over its coyness in employing force as also over its overtures to Iran on its nuclear programme.
Germany sees itself as something of a privileged interlocutor with Russia, given its history and location. For instance, Berlin has not followed the new Western trend orchestrated by Washington on demonising President Vladimir Putin's role and policies and is seeking to begin a reasoned conversation with Moscow on Ukriane, given Russia's historical closeness to its former region and the great landmass it occupies in proximity. Ms Merkel herself, raised in the old East Germany, is familiar with Russian language and idioms.
In a sense, Berlin is serving notice that it is not merely a great economic power house but is shedding its inhibitions of a past employed by its partners to stymie its world role. That by itself presages a new set of power equations in Europe and the world. Washington's celebration of its new amity with France after traditional prickliness of relationship is not enough. Rather, the US needs to repair its relations with Germany to take account of a new outgoing Berlin willing to speak its mind and act according to its national interests without apology.
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